By Jon Guttman
This can be the heritage of the easiest Allied fighter-destroyer of worldwide battle 1 and the pilots who flew it. Nicknamed "Biff" via the pilots, the Bristol F2 Fighter loved impressive luck over the Western entrance within the ultimate 18 months of the struggle. in spite of the fact that, it had an inauspicious debut, as a whole flight of F2As used to be burnt up via von Richthofen's Jasta eleven. a brand new more advantageous F2B used to be quickly dropped at front which functioned in a completely various demeanour. The crews operated the airplane now not as a customary two-seater, yet as a single-seat with a "sting within the tail" within the kind of a rear gunner with a Lewis laptop gun. a variety of ace groups earned the "Biff" grudging recognize from its German rivals. This publication charts the improvement of the aircraft from its unpromising beginnings to the revised version working with a brand new form of strategies. additionally, the varied first-hand money owed and strive against experiences provide a desirable perception into the reports of the pilots themselves.
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Extra info for Bristol F 2 Fighter Aces of WW1
But conversely, the fact that the anti-socialist laws had still permitted socialist electoral activities could not but encourage a reformist practice in a party struggling for its survival. So while party theory preached Marx’s doctrine of revolution, everyday political methods remained within the realm of the practical, and after a time, tended toward the expedient (Miller and Potthoff 1983: 35-37). Internally, the Party itself grew apace. With a membership of one million by 1914, organizational needs required the recruitment of a cadre of salaried officers and functionaries to replace the volunteers and part-time activists of an earlier era.
The unions no longer regarded themselves as mere auxillaries to the socialist movement, or recruiting agents for the SPD. They asserted their independence from the party within the context of a working relationship, each entity defined as a necesssary “pillar” of the movement at large (Schorske 1972: 15-16; Schneider 1991: 89-90). Measuring success by numbers of workers organized, the unions generally saw themselves as non-political in their efforts to attract the disparate elements of the unorganized workforce.
And the more passive virtue of discipline upon the mass of members. (Luxemburg 1971: 87, 88) The expansion of the trade union bureaucracy and administration had paralleled that of the SPD. While in 1900 there were 269 union officials and employees, there were nearly 3,000 by 1914 (Schneider 1991: 75; Steenson 1981: 96). Along with organizational growth came a strong trend toward the centralization of authority and decision-making. As a historian of German labor has noted: “In the eyes of the General Commission trade union policy was principally organizational policy” (Schneider 1991: 72).