A Contest of Ideas: Capital, Politics, and Labor by Nelson Lichtenstein

By Nelson Lichtenstein

For greater than thirty years Nelson Lichtenstein has deployed his scholarship—on exertions, politics, and social thought—to chart the heritage and clients of a revolutionary the United States. a competition of rules collects and updates lots of Lichtenstein's such a lot provocative and arguable essays and studies. those incisive writings hyperlink the destiny of the hard work stream to the ameliorations within the form of global capitalism, to the increase of the civil rights stream, and to the activists and intellectuals who've performed such very important roles. Tracing large styles of political proposal, Lichtenstein bargains vital views at the courting of work and the country, the tensions that usually exist among a tradition of rights and the belief of unity, and the increase of conservatism in politics, legislation, and highbrow lifestyles. the quantity closes with pics of 5 activist intellectuals whose paintings has been very important to the conflicts that interact the exertions circulation, public coverage, and political tradition.

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Carolina’s planter politicians had long faced the necessity of courting the people and found it distasteful.  . S. Senator James Henry Hammond while at home at Redcliffe in 1858.  .  . ” By the late antebellum period, the antidemocratic principles of slavery were in full flower, and concern about the tyranny of the majority was politics as usual in John C. Calhoun’s home state. ” Washington bequeathed us a republic, and “Mr. Jefferson swap’d it off for a ‘Democracy,’” one David Gavin railed in 1858.

Campaigns were incredibly hard fought, and the results, virtually ev­erywhere, far too close for comfort. In the end, secession in the American South was neither a popular democratic movement nor the accomplishment of a small slaveholding political elite. 4 The consent of the governed, as it turned out, was not so much a shining ideal as a prize to be wrested from the enemy in a down-­and-­dirty political fight. It all began in South Carolina, precisely as the proslavery advocates of Southern nationalism had long planned.

The individual Southern states in question were not yet nations (and never would be in their original form), but they were invoked as homelands, beloved birthplaces, and thus as states in an affective and not just administrative sense. 25 In the late antebellum Southern states, the female fig­ure of the state 26 l c o n f e d e r a t e r e c k o n i n g took many forms—genius of liberty, old lady in hoop skirts—but none more commonly than mother, the better, presumably, to summon the loyalty of her sons.

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